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8

The Lyme Times

Patients and groups started to connect as

never before. The Stolows set up an inter-

active site – LymeNet – that has thousands

of users today. Soon websites were added

to the mix – first the LDF and then LDRC.

The first efforts were primitive but ad-

vocates quickly learned how to use the new

tools.

Congress gets involved

In 1993, the year JAMA published Lyme

guru Allen Steere’s notorious over-di-

agnosis paper, Lynch’s idea of a Congres-

sional hearing materialized. Unfortunately,

Lyme advocates at the LDNNJ didn’t find

out about it until the last minute. To their

horror, Steere was to be keynote speaker

with no opposing view. Patient advocates

frantically conducted an intense telephone

campaign.

Within two days over 2,000 calls, letters

and faxes from support groups across the

country flooded congressional offices.

As a result, committee chairman Edward

Kennedy agreed to include speakers who

believed in the existence of chronic, per-

sistent infection, and personally invited

Lyme disease patient advocate Dr. Joe

Burrascano.

Senator Kennedy asked the LDF to

submit a proposal to the hearing. In their

submission they elaborated on issues

such as insurance company denials; the

“narrow, falsely restrictive and misleading

surveillance case definition;” under-re-

porting; and conflicts of interest. We pub-

lished the full text in

The Lyme Times

#11.

It is sobering and sad to see how many of

the points they made then remain current

today.

At this hearing Burrascano gave his

famous speech suggesting that the gov-

ernment was carrying out another

Tuskegee experiment on Lyme patients. He

accused a “core group of university-based

Lyme disease researchers and physicians

… of adhering to outdated, self-serving

views and attempting to personally dis-

credit those whose opinions differ from

their own.”

Evan White, a teenager disabled by

Lyme, testified (his mother interpreting

because he could barely speak). Steere told

a reporter that he had never seen a case

like it. A legislator was heard to remark, “It

seems that our two speakers [Burrascano

and Steere] don’t agree.” Soon after,

the N.Y. Office of Professional Medical

Conduct (OPMC) launched an attack on

Burrascano that cost him thousands of

hours and tens of thousands of dollars to

defend. The Lyme Wars had begun.

Existing groups didn’t seem to be

winning. The battle had become personal,

and some people were still trying to create

a more perfect patient organization. The

Lyme Disease Association of the United

States (LDAUS) was Ohio attorney Janice

Beers’ attempt to bring unity to the many

diverse groups springing up across the

country. Beers set up a democratically rep-

resentative infrastructure with state groups

combining into districts, and each district

electing a member to the board of trustees.

LDAUS started a newsletter in 1994 and

planned the first general assembly in 1995.

By 1996 LDAUS was doomed to failure as

Beers became too ill to run it.

Our adversaries were not sitting idly by.

Vaccine trials were under way. A group

of academicians and researchers formed

the American Lyme Disease Foundation

(ALDF), an IDSA front group. Patients be-

lieved they chose their name to deliberately

deflect attention from the Forschner’s “real”

Lyme Disease Foundation. ALDF was pro-

vaccine and had the support of the Centers

for Disease Control (CDC).

Gaining ground

At the same time there were hopeful

signs. The New Jersey Lyme Disease Co-

alition was raising thousand of dollars

for research, Ohio had a Lyme Disease

Association. The Greater Cleveland LD

Support Group appeared on an educa-

tional TV show and arranged a forum for

legislators. In what would have been the

first doctor protection bill, the Georgia

Lyme Disease Association tried to pass the

“Access to Medical Treatment Act,” per-

mitting healthcare practitioners to provide

any method of treatment that fell within

their scope of practice, as long as it would

not endanger the patient. The bill sought

to restrict medical boards from prose-

cuting providers solely because of un-

approved treatment protocols; it did not

pass. In Minnesota, the Dept. of Health

Services asked advocates to develop and

disseminate clinical guidelines for di-

agnosis and treatment, and the Minnesota

Coalition stepped up to the plate.

Increasingly, however, Lyme practi-

tioners were being targeted by medical

boards. By 1995, Michigan support groups

were organized enough to rally to support

one of their doctors who had been targeted

Pat Smith, third from left, was chair of the NJ Lyme Committee, a political action group, when

she participated in a Lyme candlelight vigil in Trenton, NJ, in 1992.

Ken Fordyce photo